One of the few print publications I still read regularly is the New Yorker. The last issue (Oct 4th 2010) carries two, unintentionally related, items: In the ‘Talk of the Town’ section there is a ‘Note to our Readers’ from the Editors celebrating the inauguration of the Apple iPad edition of the magazine. Not the availability of the magazine on the iPad – most of the New Yorker has been available online for nine years, according to the note – but a special edition designed specifically for iPad readers, with ‘extra cartoons, extra photographs, videos, audio of writers and poets reading their work’. The other item is ‘Small Change: Why the revolution will not be tweeted’, a longer article by Malcom Gladwell, in which he argues for the failure of digital social media to replace traditional forms of political and social activism.
Gladwell isn’t a typical Luddite, and his article is not a categorical rejection of the utility of social media. In fact, what Gladwell is trying to determine, is precisely what functions digital social media are best suited for. His conclusion is that ‘Facebook is a tool for efficiently managing your acquaintances’, as opposed to your friends. It is acquaintances, however, not friends, that are ‘our greatest source of new ideas and information’. Digital social media are ideal for developing broad networks of weak ties, but ‘weak ties seldom lead to high-risk activism’.
What Gladwell does best in this article is dispel the notion that Facebook and Twitter have radically changed the way social and political activists operate. The student protests in Iran are touted as the most famous example of social-media-based activism, and Gladwell adds a less-publicized example, the so-called ‘Twitter Revolution’ in Moldova, in the spring of 2009. US media, and even political leaders, complimented Twitter and Facebook for their facilitation of these movements: one former national-security adviser cited went as far as suggesting that Twitter should be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. This excitement masks the fact that the impact that Twitter had on each of these cases was primarily on the way the events were represented outside Iran and Moldova: ‘Twitter had scant internal significance in Moldova, a country where very few Twitter accounts exist”, while in the Iranian case ‘the people tweeting about the demonstrations were almost all in the West’, with nobody wondering why none of these ‘Iranian’ activists were writing in Farsi. (Ironically, Gladwell’s deconstruction of the ‘Twitter revolution’ myth does not prevent David Denby, in his review of a film about the founder of Facebook in the same issue, from referring to social media as ‘capable of rattling authoritatrian governments).
What both the editors in their note, and Gladwell in his article seem to be failing to realize, is that technology has always been an aspect of communication – the editors even begin with the puzzling assertion that during ‘the first years of this magazine, technology was only a modest factor in its production’. Surely the magazine (any magazine) is the product of centuries of technological innovation, not limited to the obvious: the printing press, mobile type, photography, writing itself. The editors romanticize a time when their predecessor ‘roamed the Algonquin and pressed his friends, the hotel’s literary habitués, to, well, write something’, just as Gladwell romanticizes the 1960s as a time of ‘high-risk’ activism based on immediate relationships, not remote acquaintances.
Gladwell in particular seems to fear that technology doesn’t only mediate communication, but actually determines its content, its direction, and its efficacy. There doesn’t seem to be much choice, in Gladwell, as to how technology is used: technology is designed for a specific purpose (remote, impersonal, apolitical networking, in this case), and it does only that. Gladwell isn’t necessarily wrong: design matters. The stories with which he documents his argument, however, do not so much show evidence of successful design, as of successful social reproduction: those with greater access to social and symbolic capital are better able to take advantage of the resources of social media. (Gladwell retells a story published in Clay Shirky’s Here Comes Everybody about how a ‘Wall Streeter’ was able to recover his stolen friend’s cell-phone from ‘the hands of a teen-ager from Queens’ by essentially mobilizing his social network to collectively stalk the girl with the stolen phone). There’s nothing new, however, in a social institution being used to reproduce social privilege.










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