Stitch and Ink

Earlier this week, at the first Great Works faculty roundtable of the semester, talk focused on strategies for teaching close reading. Unanimous nodding broke out when John H. mentioned the importance of asking students to write out, on paper, the very lines of literary text they’re grappling with. Something about the intimacy of bringing one’s hand, mind and ink into sync with a given stretch of words–so that inscription belongs as much to the student as to the Great Works anthology–seemed essential. Hours later and a few blocks away, I found myself cramped into the 5th Avenue window display at the Graduate Center, arranging small, hand-made books to draw attention to the the Third Annual Chapbook Festival (www.chapbookfestival.org) — taking place March 2-5 both at the GC and at other locations throughout the city. The Festival celebrates, per its name, chapbooks–small publications, usually of poetry, ranging from the simplest construction of sewn sheets to elaborate, collectible editions–produced outside the machinery of commercial publishing. The colorful, beautiful little books in the window–etched, embossed, embroidered, delicately made–seemed to belong to the same universe as the practice of writing out lines of text — both not-so-lost arts.

The Imitation Game

We may hope that machines will eventually compete with men in all purely intellectual fields.Alan Turing, 1950

In 1950, Alan Turing theorized a test of computer intelligence.  The experiment he imagined, soon after coined the “Turing test,” asks a subject to blindly converse with a machine and another human.  If the machine can fool the questioner into thinking it is a machine, than it has achieved true intelligence.  Because we judge the intelligence of other humans based on external indicators, it was only fair that we hold machines to the same standard. (For a more complex analysis of the test, its philosophical implications, and the prolific career of Alan Turing see this page).

On Tuesday, in round 2 in the Jeopardy! IBM Challenge, past champions Ken Jennings and Brad Rutter got crushed by room-size IBM supercomputer, Watson.  Here is the second half of that show, including the Jeopardy round and lots of IBM material advertising for the greatness of the artificial intelligence software that is Watson:

At times, the human contestants sound more like the computer than the other way around, as they rattle off humorless knee-jerk responses to trivial questions (at least when they could get a word in edgewise against Watson). Yet, there have been plenty of situations in which the “computerness” of Watson shines through.  It (he?) has generally been struggling with art-related clues, and sometimes repeats incorrect answers (IBM needs to work on his group listening skills!).  In Final Jeopardy on Tuesday, it made a common-sense mistake handling this question: Its largest is named for a World War II hero; its second largest for a World War II battle?  It gave “What is Toronto?????,” which is obviously wrong because it is not in the U.S.  At least it seemed to recognize the answer was a long shot, wagering only a small portion of its winnings on the answer (the closest thing I’ve seen to a computer acknowledging that it is pushing its luck).  The two humans correctly identified Chicago.

Last night, Watson took home the $1 million prize for IBM by racking up a final score of $77,147, vs. Jennings’ $24,000 and Rutter’s $21,600.  I just discoverd an interactive game on nyt.com that allows you to play against Watson and see a bit how the processing works.  Check it out!  Sometime today, IBM is expected to announce a collaboration with Columbia University and the University of Maryland to develop a “physician’s assistant service.”

Of course a computer beating human competitors at Jeopardy does not mean it has passed a Turing Test.  So, let’s turn to another case where machine is mimicking human.  Last fall, the New York Times covered the story of Statsheet.com in an article titled, “When the Software is the Sportswriter.” What is unique about Statsheet.com is that it allows college basketball and football fans to call up not just stats on their favorite team, but also a write-up describing past performance and predictions for upcoming games.  If I want to get the latest on Michigan State’s basketball team, I can either go to this page with stats, schedules, etc., or I can go read The Spartan Ball and see the latest headlines.  The catch is that those headlines, and the short blurbs that run beneath them, are entirely computer generated.  In most cases, the algorithm that the site uses is fairly transparent: “Michigan State Drops One To #2 Ranked Ohio State, 71-61. / Following the Penn State win with a loss, Michigan State is struggling. In Columbus on February 15th the Spartans were beaten by the Buckeyes, 71-61, in Big Ten play.”  If you click a level deeper, you tend to get bullet lists of stat-heavy commentary; e.g., “Prior to this game, MSU played 62 Top 25 opponents in the last 5 seasons with a record of 30-32.”  One clever twist on the site is that descriptions of results are phrased in more positive terms when you are on the home page for that team.  For instance, when I switch over to the (Ohio State) Buckeye Beat, I see this headline for yesterday’s game: “Ohio State Gets the Win Over Michigan State, 71-61.”  By my judgment, Statsheet.com passes the Turing test only if compared to the worst kind of sports writer, one who communicates solely with statistics strung together between cliches.

That’s Turing test failure number two.  Where does that leave us?  I propose that the next frontier is a robo-stand-up-comedian.  I read statsheet.com for over 20 minutes and didn’t laugh a single time.  Only a human statistician could come up with this one: “A historian, an engineer and a statistician are duck hunting. a duck rises from the lake. The historian fires first, and shoots 10′ over the duck. Then the engineer shoulders the shotgun and shoots 10′ under the duck. The statistician exclaims ‘got him!’”

Scholarly writing gets hijacked, interpretation is a wild ride

pen mightier than sword
Creative Commons License photo credit: smemon87

After reading violent threats against Frances Fox Piven online, my first thought was “If books are so powerful, then why threaten with a gun—go and write your own book.”

Hannah Arendt, in On Violence, describes violence as indicating the lack of power. Power, she says, is the capacity to capture people’s hearts and minds, to change the way they think and act. In the late 1960s, she wrote against what she saw as leftist writing that glorified violence (she cited Fanon and Sartre). Power is what separates Karl Marx’s ideas, which galvanized, inspired, and engaged debate, from Joseph Stalin’s regime of suppression through threat and through actual violence. (See also page 2 in her article in The New York Review of Books). Fascist regimes, according to Arendt, are regimes without new ideas (see her review of The Black Book in Commentary, page 294).  What they have instead is a monopoly on the means of violence.

But, what is the written threat of violence? It is not the same. This week seemed like a good time to turn to Judith Butler’s scholarship on hate speech (Excitable Speech). I was surprised to find that Butler takes apart the distinction between physical violence and language, and two of the main terms she uses in this project are control and vulnerability. In society, people are vulnerable to and dependent upon language, and language is beyond our control. Therefore, hate speech is said be “like a slap in the face” because being called a demeaning name actually affects a person’s sense of their self and the way they appear to others.

Control—language is beyond the speaker’s control. Frances Fox Piven’s writing has been interpreted in ways she never intended, ways that seem irrational to her (and to me). Yet, Butler argues, engaging in language always means the speaker does not control the way her words will be interpreted. Others may not read the same material in the same context in which you wrote it. The speaker can suddenly find herself in a struggle she never intended to enter, one with terms and stakes she never predicted.

Even in the absence of real violence, does the written threat of violence prove Hannah Arendt’s point—does violence in language indicate a lack of power, and the lack of new ideas? If it does indicate a lack of power, how is one in the position of professor at City University, and other professors and authors, to respond? As Butler argued, it seems to me that suddenly authors are being unpredictably granted a power they have not themselves presumed to wield. Are they responsible to a power that anyone ascribes to them?

Graduate scholars are aware of how insular and hermetic our work and our communications can be. Now I’m wondering if scholars should be prepared to take their ideas out for a spin, outside the contexts of journals and conferences, to imagine interpretations from more diverse audiences and to defend and delineate their ideas. This hasn’t been part of my training—I’ve been trained to confront some scholarly authors with the oppositional arguments of other scholarly authors.  As a writing and public speaking teacher, I coach students to consider their intended audience, to write towards their common knowledge and interests. Now I’m wondering how much writers and speakers need to consider their ability to respond to unintended interpretations, unintended audiences. It’s a frightening challenge, but Fox Piven seems to be responding steadily in what I can only imagine has felt like a very shaky playing field.

“They don’t even expect to live. They only know barbarity.”

I thought I’d use this forum to share some reflections on a situation that has entered the international headlines in the last week. In Rio de Janeiro, where I conducted dissertation research between 2008 and 2010, a combined force made up of civil police, military police, SWAT teams, the national army, air force, and marines invaded and occupied the Complexo do Alemão (German Complex) and Vila Cruzeiro, sprawling informal settlements, or favelas, in the north zone, away from the iconic beaches and affluent neighborhoods that tourists generally associate with the city.

In a highly mediated conflict, which people could tune in to watch from live helicopter feeds, drug gangs mounted a fierce resistance to the state operation, with heavy gunfire, barricades, and the burning of 96 vehicles. At the end of the five-day siege, police reported 45 deaths and 197 arrests. Many residents who fled before the violence are only returning to their homes now.

Many people have asked me what to make of this so-called ‘war’ in Rio. I do not claim to be able to make any better sense of the situation than the many commentators and analysts currently publishing articles, blog posts, and tweets. For those unfamiliar with the history of armed drug syndicates in Rio, or who only have the film City of God as a referent, I offer some back-story and some prognoses:

The siege of Complexo do Alemão and Vila Cruzeiro was not a spontaneous event, but rather the punctuation of an ongoing campaign of ‘pacification’ through police operations underway for at least two years. Brazil will be hosting the 2014 World Cup, with Rio one of the cities staging matches, and Rio will also be the site of the 2016 Summer Olympics. The history of security long precedes the announcement of these events, but the strategy of pacification has changed and intensified recently.

The general tactic of military police forces used to be predicated on shock and surprise. This resulted in the deaths of many innocents. The justice system in Brazil all but guarantees police impunity. As Jon Lee Anderson reported in the New Yorker last year, curiously on the eve of the Olympic bid announcement:

According to officials, there were just under five thousand murders last year, half of them drug-gang-related. (The numbers don’t include such inci- dents as “rape resulting in death” or “riots resulting in death.”) Twenty-two police- men were murdered. Rio’s police, in turn, kill more people than police anywhere else in the world; in 2008, they acknowl- edged killing eleven hundred and eighty- eight people who were “resisting arrest,” or slightly more than three people a day. By comparison, American police killed three hundred and seventy-one people— classified as “justifiable homicides”—in the entire United States in the same period.

The new campaign involves a ‘softer’ approach: police announce in the media that they will be taking over X or Y favelas in a week’s time, giving drug traffickers a chance to flee. Until recently, this tactic has spared communities of much bloodshed and inaugurated a new program titled UPPs (Units of Pacification Police) who work like community policing inititatives to win, as it were, the hearts and minds of local residents while gas, electricity, water, sewage, internet and other services come in to regularize the infrastructure.

While many commented casually on the ‘craziness’ of the war-like scenes in Vila Cruzeiro and Complexo do Alemão last week, it was predictable. With every favela reclaimed through the UPPs, drug gangs have found it increasingly difficult to operate. Their livelihoods threatened, many took a stand last week (although it is likely that the most powerful of the trafficker hierarchy fled to allied strongholds). You can actually see them in this news clip:

Almost all of Rio’s nearly 1,000 favelas have been controlled for decades by one of several organized crime gangs, the history of which derives from the era of the military dictatorship. Two of the largest gangs, the Red Command and Amigos dos Amigos (Friends of Friends), usually sworn enemies, have recently made a pact to join forces against the state. They have reportedly called this alliance, in open mockery of the government, UPP: Unidos Pelo Pô (United by the Powder, i.e. cocaine).

Several interesting themes and possibilities are emerging amid this conflict: one is how the joint military/humanitarian/capitalist project underway in Rio’s favelas mirrors efforts by the U.S. in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as by Brazil in Haiti, where the South American giant is the commanding peacekeeping force. It appears that Brazil is quickly becoming the world leader in the business of urban warfare, and this is becoming a central factor in its geopolitical strategy as an alternative empire in the hemisphere.

A second theme is the revanchist attitude perpetuated by the news media that depicts the conflict between the state and non-state armed actors as a transcendental struggle between good and evil. In Rio, suspects killed or arrested are almost never represented as such, as suspects. Rather, the language and iconography of newspaper headlines portrays individuals as not only already judged guilty but morally and ontologically other. Criminosos, marginais, vagabundos, bandidos are all terms freely attached to images such as this typical display of poor, young, often racialized and male favela dwellers made to pose in front of the substances that mark them as less than human, and certainly not deserving of civil or human rights.


Take, for example, the statement by state legislator Marcelo Freixo, which I made the title of this post: “They have guns in their hands and nothing in their brains. They have no ideology. They don’t even expect to live. They only know barbarity.”

Or as a captain of BOPE, the Special Operations Military Police Battalion, put it: “I believe the work of forgiving the traffickers falls to God; we only advance their meeting.”

This opinion is extremely popular with Brazil’s middle classes, who express a sense of being at siege by an anonymous mass of violent, depraved armed youth. What this obscures, of course, are the massive structural contradictions of an urban political economy in which the drug trade absorbs tens of thousands of otherwised unemployed young men and women.

A final note: My own work concerns the ways armed violence and its social consequences are experienced and represented, which is why it was fascinating to come across this Risk-style board game of Rio’s police vs. trafficker vs. militia conflict, called “War in Rio.”

Ciao! Bye! Do widzenia! Tschüss!

Image taken from http://www.propwishbook.org

Living in a bilingual family raises all kinds of communication issues: questions about what it means to be a native speaker of a language, how to associate each language with a different culture and how to hold your own as a non-native. Sure, in New York City it’s easy to find multilingual households, so it’s a wonderful environment to experience a multiplicity of cultures and languages.

But at home, a family setting is its own microcosm. Having come from a monolingual family I find it fascinating to wonder about just how to create an environment that would lead to a bilingual child. How does one navigate the challenges of introducing a child to a minority language and, no less important, to the minority culture, in a household dominated by the English language and by the ever present American culture.

Developmental psychologists and linguists generally agree that knowing a second language is a big advantage in a globalized world. More than that, bilingualism makes it possible to see the world in more complex ways and to better understand other cultures and countries. There are huge advantages to learning a second language early in life such as developing the cognitive firepower devoted to language acquisition, having improved attention span and it is definitely easier later to learn additional languages. Not so long ago, skeptics argued that bilingualism confuses kids or causes language delays.

When kids mixed languages and choose to speak in a funny concoction of two languages, they appeared to be confused, when in fact they were making sense of the world in which every object has two names ( and in some case a gender as well.) We now know that being bilingual has no down side.

Raising a bilingual child requires a major commitment from all family members but, in particular, from the speaker of the minority or non-native language in the household. It requires a special effort, particularly when it is difficult for a child to find speakers of the minority language or to find educational material in that language. There are also varying degrees of bilingualism: from understanding the language spoken to you by family members, to being able to speak it yourself, and finally to fluently read and communicate with near native fluency.

One of one of the most common methods of teaching bilingualism is known as “one language, one location method.” It works by designating areas of life, sometimes areas of the home, where a minority language will be exclusively spoken. For instance, while English is the dominant language in the school and with peers, the minority language will always be used at home or during weekends or perhaps only at dinnertime. This requires both parents to be able to speak that minority language. Another method, often considered easier and perhaps better at achieving quicker results is the “one person, one language” method, where a minority speaker in the house uses his or her language exclusively to speak to the child. Many families which are not fluent in a second or third language find ways to introduce a child to another language and culture by, for instance, sending him or her to a kindergarten where a foreign language is spoken or hiring a nanny who speaks a foreign language exclusively.

Even if one of the parents is fluent in a minority language and is devoted to helping a child become bilingual, competence in two languages and cultures is a difficult thing to achieve. The ability to devote appropriate time and resources to this task can be made more difficult by just how rare the minority language is, or how difficult it is to provide the child with meaningful interactions with the speakers of the second language. As kids grow into teenagers, new problems appear, from rebellion against a language that is not spoken by the child’s peers and may seem archaic or strange, to the child’s diminished interest in learning the second language.

Regardless of the challenges I think it is worthwhile raising a bilingual child. What is your method? Advice? Experience?

On Not Avoiding Clichés Like the Plague

For the past couple months I’ve had in mind to write something here on the subject of clichés, and a small flurry of related Cacophany posts this past week—addressing academic title-clichés, the significance of particular idioms, insecure students mired in “ingrained phrases,” and the sputtering flame of life-of-the-mind idealism—make it plain to me that this is the appointed time to do so.  The cosmos seems to have arranged it.

The original impetus for writing in this case is humble enough.  I don’t have any grand or incisive thoughts on the matter; I just have a pair of battered, cherished paperback cliché dictionaries.  (They share a shelf next to a purple thesaurus—“revised and updated for the 1990s!”—and a rhyming dictionary, both relics from high school.  I love such reference books, especially when they’re portable, idiosyncratic, and cheap, as are all of the above.)  I also can’t resist mentioning another more recent prompt, the glorious cliché-collage that is the The Karate Kid (1984) soundtrack standout, “You’re the Best,” by Joe Esposito.  Several years ago, a friend of mine burned the song for me, but I assumed it was long lost until I heard it last week, to my great joy,  in some new sports-related commercial.  Check it out, scoring some primo “sweep-the-leg-Johnny” footage:

(And glance over here, to see a version with printed lyrics.)

Returning to the books, though: over the five or so years that I’ve had the cliché treasuries, I have thumbed through them a great deal, but I only recently got around to reading their editorial introductions.  Although both books boast about 2,000 entries and take similar approaches (citing the derivations of their idioms and phrases), the editors stand in almost comic opposition in their respective orientations to the subject of clichés, their sense of why one ought to consult such a dictionary at all.

A Dictionary of Clichés, was compiled by one Eric Partridge and published in 1940.  Its cover announces the book’s implicit purpose: “An entertaining and highly useful compilation of all the well worn phrases better left unsaid!”  Partridge’s eight page introduction corroborates this unqualified view of clichés as a sort of pestilence in language.  His fundamental definition of the term begins simply and soundly enough but then takes on a stern, didactic, even scolding tone: “A cliché is an outworn commonplace; a phrase, or short sentence, that has become so hackneyed that careful speakers and scrupulous writers shrink from it because they feel that its use is an insult to the intelligence of their audience or public” (2).  The categories Partridge elaborates—idioms, stock phrases that serve as counters, foreign words or phrases, quotations from literature—are helpful, as are the myriad examples he offers for each category and sub-category, but behind the careful scholarship we keep feeling the frowning, contemptuous face of the crabby scholar.  Of clichés in general, he laments, with a histrionic sigh, that “[t]heir ubiquity is remarkable and rather frightening” (2).  He then argues his view of what tends to cause such a swarming infestation of clichés:  “A half-education—that snare of the half-baked and ready-made—accounts for many: an uncultured, little-reading person seeks a stock phrase and thinks it apt and smart” (2).  Ostensibly, Partridge here is indicting education itself, as a flawed system or philosophy, but his language betrays an undisguised scorn for the victims of such a system, “the half-educated” (per his own notion of what that means, of course).  This scorn comes to the surface when Partridge characterizes certain overused quotations as “nauseating” (2).

By way of providing a quick, sharp distinction, I turn abruptly to James Rogers’ The Dictionary of Clichés (upping the ante with the definite article!), which first appeared in 1985.  His book’s cover also has an exclamatory appeal to would-be readers, but note the different value invoked: “If you wonder about the origins of all those old saws—from first blush to bite the dust—you’ll find this book the cat’s meow!”  The book’s implicit purpose has nothing to do with proper usage, just discovery and—as hinted at by the four idioms reflexively included in the note—fun.  Likewise, Rogers’s introduction, though only a page, gets right to the task of defending what is implied on the cover.  It begins:

“The cliché has a bad name as an overworked and therefore banal expression.  Spoken or written by someone who is not thinking much about what he is saying or writing, it usually upholds that reputation.  Among people who do pay attention to their phrasing, however, clichés can serve as the lubricant of language: summing up a point or a situation, easing a transition in thought, adding a seasoning of humor to a discourse.  Indeed, with a keen sense of where such a familiar saying comes from and what it means one can give his prose a piquant turn by embroidering a cliché…”

I confess to loving this concisely articulated position on the cliché question; it concedes the problem of thoughtless, stock word-use, but takes a stance that is inflected equally by pragmatic and aesthetic (even erotic!) views of what might be broadly called “expressions.” I confess also, as I ought to, in fairness, to having a Partridge-like gag reflex for the glib, jargon-y, sentimental, pretentious, contrived verbiage that seems to overrun so much of the popular media as well as, in more rarefied forms, academic spheres.  I am especially disgusted by the words and phrases I find myself using, in all contexts, again and again—my own stock of too-habitual code words and connectors. Ugh.  This is all to say that I understand where Partridge and many teachers of communication are coming from when they officially wage war on all that is classed as “cliché.”  I heartily concur with the basic concern.  In our own words and those of students we work with, we should be vigilant of thoughtless language, empty ostentation, and hazy, handed-down ideas—all of which deaden or foreclose on thinking rather than stimulate it—but this need not amount to a hunt-and-extirpate approach to supposedly diseased elements.  Commonplace expressions, buzzy terms, colloquialisms, overused constructions, and obscure idioms—these should be attended to more scrupulously, not thrown out altogether.  Many of them are just malleable “ways of saying” a thing.  Thus when cliches are addressed in conscientious and complex ways—adapted, subverted, riffed on, interrogated, delved into (see Stamatina’s post for a case-in-point)—they can actually enrich communication and thinking.  The selective, canny reworking of commonplaces enlivens what might otherwise just be mere, thus dead, counters.

My own hope, then, my little shred of idealism on the matter at hand, runs in an Emersonian direction.  In “Self-Reliance,” he argues: “The objection to conforming to usages that have become dead to you is, that it scatters your force.  It loses your time and blurs the impression of your character” (263).  The chief admonitions here are not inconsistency or non-conformity for their own sakes, but an awareness that certain usages will necessarily become dead to me.  I have to creatively revamp those worn usages or else find new ones, in order to keep language animated, that is, forceful, in my life.   I insist on having it both ways with clichés.  Insofar as manipulative advertisers, glib pundits, and garrulous peers barrage us with repetitive, numbing language, yes, we vigilantly parse and vigorously resist the dead and deadening stuff.  But we can learn (thus also teach) how to negotiate the various clichéd elements in play without scorning them; we can thoughtfully find and use what is truly expressive in “expressions” without succumbing to idiotic (nauseating) parroting.

Common idioms: prosaic and provocative

The other day I took part in a public conversation at the Austrian Cultural Forum. My co-speaker was a contemporary artist from lower Austria, an international residency-hopper currently based just outside Seoul. The two of us spoke for an hour or so, with him presenting groups of installation images and explanations of past projects, and my interjecting longish questions and observations.

Because the preparation for our chat largely consisted of lots of, well, chatting, we didn’t spend much time going over the presentation itself. A couple of hours before we were scheduled to speak, I noticed that there was a quite a bit of time and space (an entire Powerpoint slide) dedicated to explaining the colloquial term “on the fly.” There were several definitions listed, but no usage at all out of the ordinary that would make the term worth noting or discussing, I thought.

“On the fly,” I pointed out, “is a term that most English-speakers won’t need explained to them—do you really think we need that in there?” But he insisted that the term was critical to his practice and defined an essential element of how he moved through collaborative, community-based structural projects. As it turned out, he had only discovered the term a couple of years earlier and found it revelatory, insisting that there was no equivalent in German (insert snarky comment about stiflingly rigid Teutonic order here).

So I put my pedantry aside and we worked it into the conversation, getting into a slightly more sophisticated discussion on the structural limitations of language and architectural terminology. And I found myself thinking about multi-lingual learners here at Baruch, and how elements of the long process of language acquisition figures into the (equally long) process of articulating ideas. When a student makes much of a particular point that seems hackneyed or obvious, it might initially be worth unpacking even further, rather than immediately focusing on how to quickly achieve more concision. What about this particular idea has them so enraptured, and why? How might it be broken open to reveal something more complicated or interesting?

Starting at the top: Notes on cliché and seduction in academic titles

As a writing fellow, I’ve had a few glimpses into the importance, faculty tell their students, of doing research. Part of this activity inevitably involves going to the library, or at least the library website, and scouring publications for pertinent scholarship to one’s inquiry. Since conducting “original research is a novelty for undergraduates, and since the electronic media offer myriad sources of information ready for the cutting-and-pasting, it make sense that a professor would be concerned with (1) making sure the student does not plagiarize others’ work and (2) instilling a sense that one’s research must enter an already ongoing conversation. So much of instructors’ pedagogical emphasis tends to lie in two fields: the moral and the intellectual, oftentimes in that order. I suspect that students do not make the connection between the two, too terrified of not (appearing to) tread on someone else’s intellectual toes to recognize that the point is to stand on their shoulders. Or, for those enterprising cheaters, the exercise may consist in, as Hillel Schwartz puts it (since I have no original way to put it), “mak[ing] their name by standing on shoulders buried in sand.” But my point here is to draw attention to a third register of the research experience: the aesthetic. Every stroll down the stacks aisles, every click through JSTOR articles, what faces the browsing scholar are titles, titles, and more titles. There soon appear patterns, styles, conventions, some kind of comforting regularity to the vastness of knowledge. Here I want to make some observations of the norms of titling in academic writing. These remarks are not (all) disparaging or snarky about the re-use, mis-use, or abuse of certain linguistic conventions in academia; I simply want to draw attention to how scholars label their work, reproducing in playful or unintentional ways specific kinds of headlines.

  • Present participles: This seems to be a symptom of the interest in and championing of processual approaches, that is, to present the world as in motion, in circulation, always becoming. The title of this post is parodying this cliché of the -ing verb. I am looking at my bookshelf right now and can spot them everywhere: Re-Presenting the City, Losing Control, Colonising Egypt, Exploring the CityI also see some clever variations on the theme: for example, where the title referencing another, more famous title (Coming of Age in Second Life), or where the present participle suggests multiple meanings (Enduring Innocence). Generally, however, the present participle has become a tired trend in titles. (I credit a former boss in publishing for bringing this to my attention and making it a minor obsession of mine.) Moving on…

  • The colon: You know you’re reading academic work when the title is cloven in two by the two dots. There’s not a precise anatomy, but generally the title proper is allusive in tone. The subtitle buttresses it with an explicatory phrase, as in: Reason to Believe: Cultural Agency in Latin American Evangelicalism. The latter part is the only bit you really need to get a sense of the topic of the book. Usually the title itself is, ironically, a stylistic flourish, as if to communicate that the book also contains some panache and wit (not a guarantee).
  • Quote as title: I feel like this became vogue during the 1990s when high postmodernism celebrated the voice of the Other and pastiche between high and low culture. But you will still encounter titles, especially in anthropology, that headline a pithy phrase uttered by an ethnographic informant, or a Biblical or other textual bit. I suppose the function of this strategy is to convey some sense of the author’s egalitarianism vis-a-vis her subject.
  • The casual approach: This can go either way. “Notes on…” or “Reflections on…” or even “Some thoughts on…” can communicate the sense that the text will not be especially pedantic, written merely as some loose ideas that suggest more than they argue. Of course, if upon reading the piece disappoints and betrays the airy mood of the title, it can become a marker of pretentiousness.

In a winking gesture, I’ve tried to incorporate all these features in the title to this post. But I wonder what the undergraduate novice, wading through vast oceans of titles, makes of these kinds of conventions, if she makes anything at all of them. The title is not only the first thing you see about an article or book, but in the case of those you don’t actually sit down with–that is, the majority, the title can also be the last thing you read.

Reggie Watts for Poet Laureate

So last night, my colleague and friend Amy buzzed me about a free comedy show at Upright Citizens Brigade. She is doing her dissertation research on stand-up comics in New York, so such locales constitute fieldsites for her. There would be other comedians, including Jeffery Joseph relating his experience teaching ‘at-risk youth’ from Riker’s Island, Ron Lynch playing an animatronic comedian of the future, Daniel Kitson on existential loneliness, and surprise heavyweights Louis CK and Jim Gaffigan.

The draw for me, however, was Reggie Watts. The man came out for the final set, when my lungs had already been effectively inverted from hard laughter by the preceding parade of absurdity. Watts burst through the flimsy curtain, his face hidden somewhere between the ‘fro clearly outta contro’ and complementary beard and pot-belly. He looks a bit like Lenny Kravitz if he let himself go, a lot. Only with much more of what the experts call ‘talent,’ no offense to LK or his devoted dozens of followers.

On stage he’s armed with two mics, one of which is plugged into a doo-dad on a stool with little knobs and switches. Mostly his weapon of choice is his voice, which he wields with unpredictable grace. The gizmo is to loop beats and modulate sounds beyond the limits of his larynx, which is expansive as it is. His show is part beat-box concert, with organic renditions of hip-hop- and soul-inspired music, part pastiche theater of impersonations. But not impressions of celebrities or political figures or cultural stereotypes. In rapid-fire, Watts channels the everyday speech patterns and lingo you can put a place but not quite a face to. Then suddenly he’s breaking into song again. It’s a linguistic and musical kaleidoscope that reaches trascendental ground: Watts in some moments seems to turn himself into a pure instrument of sound and vernaculars. I’d say he takes joy in reproducing, like scrambled ethnographic recorder stuck on play, words and beats, if it weren’t for the deadpan delivery that leaves the audience in wonder. I ought to report: while half of the audience giggled in delight at Watt’s virtuosity, the other half stared in bewilderment. I wouldn’t be surprised if the latter were the more intended reaction.

I try to describe this performance, but I honestly don’t know what to make of Reggie Watts. I only sense that an obligation to tell others about him, maybe to warn them maybe to claim that I saw him long before he got famous and sold out or jumped the shark. My first encounter with Watts was this meta-hiphop music video, F*ck Sh*t Stack, where he skewers, in successive verses, rap’s most cherished stereotypes: curse words, the objectification of women, and conspicuous consumption. But satire is not Watts’s modus operandi. It’s too sincere, in a way. (Although musically, he does have his intimate serious side.)

Rather, I direct you towards some of the philosophical and linguistic buffonery, like this clip where Watts opens with an Esperanto-esque gibberish monologue:

or this gig at Google headquarters that seems to go right over the poor egg-head employees:

Or this Max Headroom-esque mix:

In effect, he’s all very -esque. Watts has even faked his own death (and life) as an Exxon ‘maintenance man’ who donates his body to his employer to be turned into fuel (“I, I think I’d like to be a, uh, candle…”)

I suppose I present Watts to the emerging discussion on this site over the relationship between thought and language, content and style. How can language refer to absolutely nothing, yet carry so much meaning? To watch him shape-shift in front of your eyes so jarringly from Queen’s-English professorial cadence into Bed Stuy street slang makes one suddenly aware of the intimate relationship between language as a performed, public activity and cultural identity. It also makes one wonder at how Watts can so effortlessly assume these voices. And finally, there’s the phenomenon of humor at work here: it’s hilarious to speak through the idioms of others, while it’s not funny at all to speak about them, as I have done here.

“Hell’s bells, Trudy!” and other Mad Men lingo

As a fan of the TV show Mad Men, whose creator Matt Weiner attempts to inject historical authenticity into all aspects of the show (currently dramatizing New York life in 1965), I really enjoyed an online discussion about how much cursing and slang really went into casual speech in that era.  The video is on Bloggingheads.tv and also excerpted on the New York Times website here, and includes Benjamin Zimmer of the Times speaking with John McWhorter of the New Republic.

People like the main character’s ex-wife Betty, and his colleague Pete Campbell, have particularly stiff and proper speech styles that frankly sound somewhat phony today.  Does Pete Campbell’s proper speech style ring true for 1965, in terms of his character’s background and aspirations?  Like Data on Star Trek, Pete doesn’t even use contractions [I mean, he does not], and uses what Zimmer calls “minced oaths,” like hell’s bells and judas priest.

An interesting part of this conversation concerns what evidence the writers might properly use to reconstruct the reality of speech from the ’60s.  Would the letters people wrote in that era be a good measure?  How about popular film?  After deciding that letters would be too different from spoken language, they consider that movie dialogue is an unreliable indicator, too. Social pressures may have pushed screenwriters and actors to make it all sound more proper than everyday speech actually did in those days.

So what spoken language examples could you find then for casual speech from that era, as a point of comparison?  John McWhorter suggests a radio show that recorded people when they did not realize they were being overheard, Candid Microphone, a precursor to Candid Camera.    Having listened to these old recordings, he thinks that, except for some now outdated expressions, ordinary people in those days — “in terms of sloppiness,” and slang, and cursing — sounded just like us.

I was trying to remember how my own parents spoke in those days. My parents were from the deep south and spoke with heavy southern accents, so I’m pretty sure they didn’t sound like the New Yorkers on Mad Men. In fact, cursing was considered so unladylike in the south that I never heard my mother swear at all. It was also bad form for a family man, so my father cleaned up his epithets to things like “Flitter!” Sounds as quaint as hell’s bells in retrospect.